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DYING FOR A CIGARETTE
JOE QUEENAN ON THE TERROR, MISERY AND LUNACY THAT HAVE
FOLLOWED THE SMOKING BAN IN
NEW YORK NEW YORK
(From the April 2003 issue of The American
Spectator) |

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Fifty-three years ago, Frank Loesser wrote a famous musical about the
refusal of New Yorkers to kowtow to the demands of earnest reformers and
implacable do-gooders. Since Guys and Dolls bowed, New York has survived
J. Edgar Hoover, Joe McCarthy, Spiro Agnew, Rudy Giuliani and the
ministrations of a host of other civic-minded zealots determined to force
the city to clean up its act. But it could not survive Mike Bloomberg.
'I'll see your Chemical Ali and raise you two Saddam half-brothers.'
On 30 March of this year, Mayor Bloomberg finally got his wish when a
citywide ban on smoking in bars and restaurants came into effect. Smokers
were branded as the enemy of the people; sinister curs whose vile habits
have contributed to the deaths of innumerable bartenders, waitresses,
busboys, porters and, presumably, a substantial number of carnies,
floozies, counter jumpers, barflies, rum runners and travelling salesmen.
The ban also stripped New Yorkers of the right to light up in bowling
alleys and rooftop gardens. The immediate effect was to force legions of
angry, drunken smokers out into the streets where they could congregate in
large angry circles and keep everybody in the neighbourhood awake until
three o'clock in the morning complaining about not being able to smoke
inside any more. New York City used to have a lot of bars. Now it is a
bar.
Ten days after the ban came into effect, a bouncer at a trendy Lower East
Side club was stabbed to death by a martial-arts student who became
enraged when informed that he could not smoke inside the establishment. (Secondhand
smoke, health advocates argue, leads to death, as do sharp, pointed
objects.) The name of the club was Guernica, site of the Luftwaffe
massacre during the Spanish Civil War that inspired Pablo Picasso, a
one-time communist and smoker, to create his celebrated painting of the
same name. The alleged killer is now in police custody on a 24-hour
suicide watch. It is not clear whether Bloomberg's smoking ban extends to
the facility in which he has been detained, or if the police personnel
detaining him are smokers.
There are several ways of looking at the Bloomberg ban. One is that the
municipal insanity that gripped New York City during the stock-market
bubble of the late Nineties has been rechannelled directly into
Bloomberg's head. A lifelong Democrat who switched to the Republican party
in order to win the mayoral election two years ago, a billionaire who
spent an enormous amount of his own money to purchase an office most
politicians would pay a comparable amount to avoid, Bloomberg may well
have a few screws loose; he may simply be a man who is out to a rather
long lunch. This, by the way, is the charitable view.
A second, even more charitable, view is that the mayor is merely being
trendy. High-profile states such as California and Colorado and dinky
little backwaters like Delaware have also enacted stringent anti-smoking
legislation, so the case can be made that Bloomberg, himself an ex-smoker,
has simply succumbed to the Everything's Up to Date in Kansas City
syndrome. But Bloomberg is not a native New Yorker; he hails from Boston,
a city with a massive chip on its shoulder. If he'd been born in the
Empire State, Bloomberg would know that the average New Yorker would
sooner see a law enacted that would enforce a pack-a-day habit on all
citizens before it would pass a law just because California did.
A third view is that Bloomberg thought his smoking ban would provide him
with an easy victory. Like Ronald Reagan ganging up on pipsqueak Grenada,
like Bill Clinton apologising to the American Indians for five centuries
of abuse without actually offering any compensatory moolah, Bloomberg may
have pencilled in the smoking ban as a gambit with no apparent downside
risk.
Before the ban went into effect, there were ceaseless complaints from
businessmen about reduced patronage and declining profits, not to mention
the usual Sturm und Drang from editorial-page writers and enraged
libertarians regarding civil rights. ('First they came for the Benson &
Hedges. Next they came for the Cohibas. The next thing you know they'll
come for the hash pipes.') But since the crackdown began, much of the
criticism has come from non-smokers.
Anyone unfortunate to live anywhere near a bar or a restaurant - in other
words, every other resident of Manhattan - has been plagued by the
late-night carcinogenic clatches outside the city's 13,000 bars and
restaurants. Long known for their live-and-let-die approach to life, many
New Yorkers seem to believe that the smoking ban is an idiotic attempt to
correct a problem that does not actually exist; a cure far more malignant
than the disease it was designed to correct.
About ten years ago, when the anti-smoking movement was starting to gather
hurricane force, I wrote a story called 'The Week of Smoking Dangerously'.
The story was commissioned by GQ, but was spiked, ostensibly because of
pressure from advertisers. Eventually it ran in the conservative American
Spectator. The story recounted a week I spent wandering around New York
City puffing on cigarettes and cigars in all kinds of public places just
to see what kind of reaction I would get.
Since I had given up cigarettes years earlier, it was a revelation to me
to discover that smokers were now widely viewed as the Antichrist. Smokers
provided the righteous, the holier-than-thou and the politically correct
with the only moral victory they would ever achieve, the only enemy they
would ever have the courage to confront. Too gutless to face down hostile
urban youths blasting sexist music from their radios, constitutionally
unable to upbraid construction workers making obscene comments about
female breasts or male sexual orientation, and just generally wussy, the
self-anointed were prowling the streets looking for ancient, tubercular,
one-legged blind chainsmokers they could inundate with their contumely and
drench with their emotional spittle and pummel with their tote bags, and
so on.
By instituting his smoking ban, Bloomberg felt that he was giving his
constituency exactly what they wanted: a sacrificial lamb. A sacrificial
lamb puffing on a Marlboro. Unfortunately, the sacrificial lamb turned out
to be a bouncer at a Lower East Side nightclub.
It's worth noting that New York City is in the throes of a financial
crisis, confronted by a deficit so large it may lead to massive cutbacks
in teachers, firemen, police, and the closing of two zoos. Bloomberg has
been curiously tight-lipped when dealing with the politicians from upstate
and those who hold the purse strings in Washington. Many of the
blue-collar types who will be victims of the coming purge are smokers; now
they will no longer have jobs, and will no longer have anywhere to go to
puff away their sorrows.
As the days pass, the pugnacious Rudy Giuliani looms larger in memory. On
11 September 2001, Giuliani rallied a stricken nation. Had Bloomberg been
mayor that day, he would have been wandering around Manhattan making sure
that city officials were not smoking in company time. With the zeal of the
newly converted, the righteousness of the limousine liberal, the
paternalism of the neo-con and the insatiable passion of the puritan to
root out anyone anywhere who seems to be having a good time, Mike
Bloomberg is the least entertaining politician to come along in years.
Fun
City, hell. |