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Is FORCES a smokers' association? || What does FORCES mean? || Why does FORCES fight those who want the health of the public? || If you are against smoking bans, how do you intend to protect non smokers against passive smoke? || You speak of tolerance, peaceful coexistence and respect, but the often belligerent tones of your organization makes one think otherwise. How do you explain this incongruity? || Isn't it easier and more practical to impose a total ban? || But wouldn't a total ban induce smokers to quit and the youth not to begin? || Smoking is a vice. Why do you support it? || Are you supported by the tobacco industry? || Do you support the tobacco industry? || Why all this animosity on smoking? Aren’t more important causes concerning liberty out there? || What are your political affiliations and ideology? || Do you believe that children should smoke? || Do you support tobacco education in schools? || Are you favourable to the prohibition of tobacco sales to minors?


Q: Is FORCES a smokers' association?

A: No. Although smoking is, for now, the dominant issue and most of its members are smokers, our group is not limited to smoking. FORCES fights healthism and the therapeutic state.

Q: What does FORCES mean?

A: FORCES is an acronym for Fight Ordinances and Restrictions to Control and Eliminate Smoking, which was (and still is) its original purpose. However, due to the expansion of the Therapeutic State, our organization has expanded its scope. Created in 1995, the group has expanded in many American states and in several nations such as Austria, Germany, Italy, Netherlands - as it is becoming clearer that the repression of smoking - and the use of junk science to justify it - exceeds by far the simple ban of lighting a cigarette in public places. It implies a subversion of ethics, politics and social values at the service of powerful pharmaceutical corporations on one hand and state social engineering and control on the other.

Q: Why does FORCES fight those who want the health of the public?

A: In the first place, healthism does not coincide with the health of the public, but is the enmeshment of two concepts: health and totalitarianism - hence the term healthism. Today there is a dangerous deviation from the classic understanding of the role of  both public health and of medicine in general (the latter having had the role of primarily treating and curing disease). This deviation (marketed today with the inaccurate term of prevention) implies the utilization of economic and political power to "prevent disease". This process, which has unarguable historical precedents in the Nazi state, includes the concept that being healthy -- or, rather, having a "healthy lifestyle" --  is not just a choice of the citizen but a duty. Thus, the state has the right to demand and implement with force compliance with this duty. Furthermore, the state has the right/duty to "educate" youth in this social duty regardless of the will and opinion of parents - as we see happening everywhere in public schools with "antismoking/antifat/antialcohol "education". The medical class has  deeply infiltrated the fabric of the state at all levels (together with the pharmaceutical and insurance industry with whom the medical class is deeply associated), and acquired economical and political super-power, enabling it to alter social systems as well as scientific and democratic procedures.

In the second place, healthism uses junk science to reach its goals, as it is often unable to demonstrate the reality of its claims with real science, unwilling to wait for science to confirm its assertion - and absolutely unwilling to accept the disproving of its theories. Junk science presents theoretical speculations, unproven assertions (which may be impossible to demonstrate), and biased statistics as if they were sound scientific facts of unequivocal clarity. Let us take passive smoke as an example. There is absolutely no scientific proof (or statistical evidence, for that matter) demonstrating that passive smoke is harmful to the non smoker. Yet we are told with absolute certainty that passive smoke causes death and disease - which are even quantified in meaningless numbers. It is clear the those who divulge the information are aware of this reality - the alternative being that they are utterly incompetent. Incompetence and inaccuracy are somewhat accepted as media traits, but they become worrisome issues when they apply to health authorities. At any rate, the "dangers" of passive smoke are an excuse to justify smoking bans that have their real base in the annoyance that non smokers feel towards smokers - an annoyance which in turn is induced mainly by relentless propaganda stating that passive smoke kills: thus, annoyance becomes a dignifying expression of fear. By the same token, smoking-related "deaths" are impossible to calculate because of the multiple factors that contribute to the development of diseases that by no means are unique to smokers. In fact, not even one death can be demonstrated to have been caused uniquely by smoking, nor is it possible to establish the contribution of smoking to the death or disease of one individual. We feel that it is shameful that ministries of health and other public and private entities - and even many doctors - lend themselves to statistical trickery, false representation of evidence and to the promotion of pharmaceutical agendas to the end of marketing and social engineering.

Finally, behaviour coercion represents a serious threat to both personal liberties and freedom of enterprise. A state that uses taxation, communication and law to impose personal health is called a Therapeutic State, one in which all citizens are potentially sick and in need of cure. Such a regime elevates so-called public health to a plane higher than personal liberties or, worse yet, attempts to create an equivalence between health and freedom. On such a basis, the repression of personal liberties when they are not conducive to "health" as conceived by the state becomes acceptable, legitimate and even moral. A very dangerous concept is thus launched: those who don't take care of their health according to state or special interest dogmas are immoral, thus their marginalization from social and public life is justified. Today this mentality pervades among much of both the public and the state and, as we have demonstrated for years, is no longer limited to the smoking issue. It has expanded to food,  alcohol, and even coffee - and soon it will expand to any other aspects of social life, since virtually every human action is potentially harmful to health. Such a concept, which transcends logic and science as well as morality and intellectual integrity, is sanctioned by the Precautionary Principle, and  is the excuse for unlimited bureaucratic control.

Q: If you are against smoking bans, how do you intend to protect non smokers against passive smoke?

A: The use of the word "protect" when it comes to passive smoke is unacceptable, since it implies the existence of a danger - a danger that, in reality, does not exist because passive smoke, when present, is in practical terms insufficiently present to cause the slightest damage. In short, the "dangers" of passive smoking are a fraud. One can only talk about the reciprocal annoyance that smokers and non smokers create for each other - the former with their smoke and the latter with complaints, nagging, prohibitions and resentments induced by irresponsible state propaganda. FORCES believe that, instead of laws, real education and mutual respect must be implemented. Civil coexistence consists of self-limitations and tolerance and of course both smokers and non smokers are no exception. Furthermore, we believe that separation - not segregation and ghettoization - of smokers and non smokers in appropriate and dignified sections (the proportions of which to be established only by market demand) can easily be achieved in public and private places.

Q: You speak of tolerance, peaceful coexistence and respect, but the often belligerent tones of your organization makes one think otherwise. How do you explain this incongruity?

A: Moderation is a virtue and it is effective only in an environment where moderation and balance are the social rule. In this case, presenting oneself as moderate in opposition to extremists may create public support. Unfortunately nowadays, the situation is already in the hands of extremists - that is, people who consider it "normal" and "therapeutic" to expose children and adults to pictures of disfigured cancer patients; to relentlessly instigate people to sometimes violent intolerance (justified as "self-defence"); and to segregation and taxation of citizens according to their "vices". Such extremism has already conquered institutions and state ministeries, and it has become part of their politics.

Under such conditions, "moderate" opposition is interpreted by the powers-that-be (which have already decided that dialogue is some sort of "useless excuse" to justify a "vice") as weakness. To re-establish common sense and balance, it is necessary to oppose healthism extremism with an equal counter-force - without compromises and fear of authority. And this counter-force should be turned to educating   people about the false scientific bases used to justify such extremism. There is ample historical evidence that any other method tried has failed against relentless healthism.

Q: Isn't it easier and more practical to impose a total ban?

It is always easier in a conflict such as this to impose a ban that gives the advantage of one side over the other, rather than to respect the rights and dignity of all. This is the real reason why totalitarian regimes are usually more efficient than the free ones. The social price to pay for the simplistic approach taken by such regimes is often very high, and frequently bringing social collapse - but not before creating effects that are totally unpredictable and often uncontrollable.

Prohibition often achieves a parallel effect, although on a smaller scale. In the case of smoking, we have examples like Canada and the United States, where social tensions and resentment amongst individuals have reached high levels over the issue and where serious economic consequences have been felt, in spite of propaganda that says otherwise. Such tensions often lead to episodes of violence, sadly under-reported by a mass-media that believes it is acting in a socially responsible manner by reporting only what it believes is the "healthy" side of the story. But the problem is still there, feeding into a generalized and unfocussed feeling of discontentment. Tensions in the workplace, petty and spiteful behaviour, revenge and disruption of personal relations are amongst the mildest of the effects. Finally, the Soviet-style legitimization of discrimination and "citizen reporting" on people who smoke (such as toll-free numbers to report on smoking); the considering of workers as more or less desirable in function of their smoking - all these are trends that open the door to other discrimination based on lifestyle. In spite of the obvious dangers of this, many ministries of "health" now keep "intolerance indicators", and consider it a "positive sign of progress" when opinion polls indicate a rise of intolerance against smokers amongst the population. We find that simply revolting.

Q: But wouldn't a total ban induce smokers to quit and the youth not to begin?

A: First of all we have to quit considering smoking as something which is always and only negative. That is scientifically false, and it expresses (or it leads to) prejudice, superstition and social conditioning that debilitate a civil society beyond the limitations of the right to smoke. Smoking is a legitimate choice that is as acceptable as eating, drinking or gambling. Second, it is our deep conviction that prohibition and propaganda on lifestyles must not be a duty or a right of the state, to which we neither recognize the authority to legislate on the matter, nor to use taxation to force and pilot public behaviour to its doctrines. Thirdly, propaganda and prohibition are either ineffective - as demonstrated by the large numbers of the smoking youth - or the force behaviour in directions that, differently than smoking, could be very negative. For example, it is preferable for a youngster to start smoking tobacco rather than crack - although some segments of the "public health" community in certain countries, while pushing false information and prohibition on smoking, close an eye (or even want to legalize) marijuana and hashish - with the implicit, absurd message that the combustion of these substances is somehow "different" or more "beneficial" than the combustion of tobacco. Could it be that they like to smoke that stuff themselves? That would explain a great many things about the schizophrenic, illogical and irrational approach of antitobacco operatives and lawmakers! We find this scientific and moral schizophrenia to be extremely hypocritical and very indicative of the political, moral and social perversions that characterize recent years.

Q: Smoking is a vice. Why do you support it?

A: FORCES does not care about supporting smoking per se. What is important is the liberty to engage in it during the normal functions of social and private life. We believe that virtually everything is potentially harmful - and more so in excess - and smoking is no exception. But, based on sound science, we refute the concept that smoking is more dangerous than other everyday human activities, such as drinking, driving a car, gambling, or having sex. We know that the propaganda against smoking consists of an immense exaggeration and over-inflation for the purpose of financial extortion, political diversion, and population behaviour control. But tobacco has been with us for 500 years without ever having been an "epidemic" -- until the rules of science were altered, and the definition of addiction was been distorted and re-written for political purposes. Smoking is a pleasure -- and people are entitled to pleasure if, when and where they choose. Moreover, in the case of smoking, they are entitled to the enjoyment of that pleasure while performing normal social functions.

Q: Are you supported by the tobacco industry?

A: No. But we certainly would not consider it immoral to be supported by the tobacco industry. We take advertisement from all industries (except from the antismoking industry - see our policy) on condition that there is no expectation to change our political positions. Our opposition, while being lavishly financed by the pharmaceutical industry, does not hesitate to call any adversary "a stooge of the tobacco industry" - regardless of whether that is true or not. The use of two scales of justice and two moral and political measures is typical of bigots and antitobacco operatives. Doctors and health organizations that have sold out to the pharmaceutical industry (pardon: who "work in partnership with the industry", as it is put by certain antismoking media when it is pointed out that antismokers are on pharmaceutical payrolls) are neither more nor less credible or morally "correct" than those sold out (in partnership?...) with the tobacco industry. Incidentally, the fact that the World Health Organization itself is in official partnership with the pharmaceutical industry does not legitimize the  industry in all of its activities and aspirations. Rather, the fact that a United Nation body (which seeks to coordinates all national ministries of health and that by definition is public) is in bed with a colossal, private industry of very controversial integrity should seriously concern any person who understands the need for proper political accountability. The very fact of democratically unaccountable alliances between business and government at an international level gives an indication of the gravity of the ethical corruption and lack of integrity of "public health" in current times. Finally, public opinion chooses to look the other way when confronted with this grave conflict of interest just because Big Pharma is a "helping hand" in the fight against something people have been trained to hate. People with moral integrity should ask themselves how we can permit such dangerous political precedents to be set -- even if it does give many members of the public emotional satisfaction.

Regardless, what matters is not who pays for a message, but rather that what's said is true and verifiable - which is certainly not the case for tobacco propaganda. At any rate, FORCES is an organization funded solely by membership and sponsors, and run by volunteers.

Q: Do you support the tobacco industry?

A: That depends on what the tobacco industry does. We certainly support the right of the tobacco industry (and any other industry) to freely promote and advertise its products, which are absolutely legal and certainly no more "dangerous" than many other products which are allowed to be advertised. This, incidentally, does not imply that advertisement of those other products should be restricted (other than when it is misleading) because of some idiotic "leveled plane field" concept. Equality under tyranny is not justice at all.

We are, of course, in disagreement with those industries that promote antismoking, such as the pharmaceutical industry - although we recognize that as its right as long and insofar as it is using normal marketing tools and not lobbying for smoking bans, tobacco taxes, the diverting of public funds for the advertisement of smoking cessation products, or by giving questionable "incentives" to doctors and hospitals in exchange for smoking cessation promotion and/or dissemination of false information on smoking.

Apart from this, we are usually in strong disagreement with the tobacco industry about the fight against anti-tobacco. We criticize the industry for being very short-sighted, meek, and soft-pedaling when it comes to fighting its opposition, as the industry itself seems to be a victim of those pseudo-moralistic and para-scientific prejudices that are demonizing it. Also, we resent the industry for not involving -- not even considering -- its clientele when it comes to decisions and negotiations that affect the purse, the destiny and the liberties of its customers.

Q: Why all this animosity on smoking? Aren’t there more important causes concerning liberty out there?

A: When talking about liberty, all causes are important, and it has been said that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. We know that the war on smoking has deep implications – so deep, in fact, that they tend to go unnoticed by the uninformed layperson, who unfortunately represents the vast majority. Beyond the infringement of the sacrosanct freedom of choice lays a serious institutional problem.

The fundamental problem consists in having the state (which in the case of smoking is represented by the health establishment) imposing statistical and scientific fraud and half truths with laws, while considering behaviours that don’t conform to its diktats as forms of disease that must be cured with a medical and psychiatric approach – a reminiscence of dark regimes in recent history. All this mainly to serve special interest groups who knowingly lie to the population and use moral and medical credibility to impose behaviours that benefit politically and financially those special interests.

It is very grave, for example, that important medical associations or well-known doctors con the population about the dangers of passive smoke (and openly say that smokers are killers) when there is no proof at all that it is so. These people are not only allowed to falsely represent the statistical evidence, but the state is on their side. Stating falsehoods for personal economic and political gain is called fraud by the law, and claiming to do it “for the people’s good” is not even a mitigating factor under the law, which is equal for all – but not in the case of antitobacco. These conmen are not only allowed to operate and be free, they are encouraged in their behaviour by a system and a state which systematically refuses to even consider the indisputable evidence demonstrating the hoax. When fraud is perpetrated by the highest authorities, laws and justice get redefined.

To accept the de-normalization of smoking means to accept the normalization of institutional corruption and the adoption of junk science as official state science. It also means accepting that the state is not accountable to the public for its actions and statements even when they are demonstrably fraudulent, and thus that it can impose those frauds with the unrestricted power of the law. We do not believe that this is a negligible issue – even when applied to smoking.

Q: What are your political affiliations and ideology?

A: We are not affiliated with any political party. Though we believe that the fight against anti-tobacco must be a political one, we are not "party political" in nature. The fight for personal, civil and human rights is usually independent of political parties. Of course, we will support any party that stands for the rights of smokers, and the right of choice.

We realize that, today, no major political party would support the right of smokers and/or the fight against the false representation of evidence by the antitobacco scam artists any more than fifty years ago it would have supported the civil rights of blacks. Then as now the reasons are the same: fear of political repercussions from public opinion and, in this case, from the powerful pharmaceutically-funded antismoking movement. But if the health establishment is not stopped, it will micromanage all aspects of politics and life. We already see health "authorities" attacking alcohol and food, while multi-million dollar lawsuits are settled on the use of perfume; in the meantime, junk science "attributes" 50% of all deaths to lifestyles (may one presume immortality as an alternative?) setting the grounds for much heavier interference of family doctors in the lives of their patients. In the US, the American Medical Association pushes for gun control [1] [2]  and even tells the people the type of vehicles they should  drive! By constantly and broadly redefining the role of "public health" and doctors in society, "public health" will expand its political powers ad infinitum while sheltered from the political and economic consequences of its actions. It will not find this feat difficult to pull off, since it is not perceived as a "political body"; a very comfortable position indeed - and a very dangerous illusion for the people.

Q: Do you believe that children should smoke?

A: Of course not. Children should not smoke, drink, or engage in other adult behaviour. But we are certainly against lying to children about the effects of tobacco to keep them away from smoking. We are against the interference of the state in the family, especially the way it encourages children's disrespect for their parents simply because they smoke. Since we know that honestly reported scientific findings show that secondhand smoke is not harmful, we cannot justify the theory of child "protection" or "self-defense" against smokers.

Q: Do you support tobacco education in schools?

A: As education presently stands, no. These are the reasons:

  • If we choose to educate about potentially dangerous substances and behaviours, then education should not be limited to tobacco. There are immensely more dangerous substances and behaviours to educate children about.

  • If we choose to educate children against all possibly dangerous substances and behaviours, that kind of education would be at the expense of conventional education, already severely lacking in substance.

  • Schools are there to teach children academic disciplines that are useful in life, not to become propaganda centres to satisfy social or political agendas. Education about lifestyle choices is to be left to the parents, who teach children according to their own values. This is important to maintain the moral and intellectual diversity which is the foundation of a strong and resilient society.

  • We do not consider what is taught in schools today to be tobacco "education" but anti-tobacco propaganda not dissimilar to the health campaigns of past European dictatorships. Extreme emphasis on physical education is always there in times of intellectual darkness.

  • If there must be tobacco education outside the scholastic environment, children should be educated on the real and verified potential dangers of tobacco, if any, with a neutral and detached attitude, and comparisons should be made with far greater and present dangers such as heavy drugs, and other risky behaviours. We feel that this perspective has been intentionally lost in schools to satisfy an agenda of political propaganda. Making the children believe that tobacco is worse than almost anything else, equal to or worse than cocaine for example, and submitting children to violent images of surgical operations on organs that are allegedly damaged by tobacco is irresponsible, brutal, and obtuse, and sets off the false notion that using drugs is OK because they are no different than cigarettes!

To grow up straight, children deserve truth, balance, the teaching of respect for adults (especially parents), as well as examples of tolerance and moderation. Finally, we feel that today's level of education in the school system of many countries (especially the USA) is disastrous enough, without the need to brainwash children about tobacco at the expense of conventional education.

Q: Are you favourable to the prohibition of tobacco sales to minors?

A: No, and this for two main reasons:

  • What is forbidden attracts. Keeping minors from obtaining alcoholics and cigarettes increases their desire to have them, and antitobacco "education" enhances that desire, more so in kids with bright minds who don't get easily brainwashed by propaganda. Anywhere the sales have been prohibited to minors, the percentage of drinkers and smokers between eight and fifteen years has greatly increased. Furthermore, there is a direct relationship between drinking restrictions and underage drinking in northern European and north American countries: the tougher the restrictions, the greater the transgression. The abuse is not the cause of the prohibition; the prohibition is the cause of the abuse. But today this easily demonstrable reality is obfuscated by fanatical health activists, which argue instead that current restrictions are "not tough enough", and more are needed - because the only acceptable rate of alcohol and tobacco use among the underaged is zero. But absolute prohibition does not mean absolute control and elimination of the intended target behaviour, but rather driving the targets out of control. Thus, inescapably, zero tolerance means zero intelligence.

  • The prohibition of sales to minors carries the implicit, false message that tobacco and alcohol are highly dangerous substances, thus adult maturity is needed to handle them. Again, that stimulates the adolescent to demonstrate that he is mature, and to experiment with them inappropriately. We also have to remember and accept that some experimentation is part of the normal and healthy development of the individual, and that stubbing/discouraging experimentation during the youthful years may impair the development of judgement in the adult individual. Conversely, a relaxed social acceptance of the use of these substances without propaganda drumming and combined with family guidance and a school system that teaches universal moderation as opposed to zero tolerance and paranoia would not stimulate the desire for transgression.

Finally, if everything that is potentially dangerous is forbidden or controlled, then control becomes total and personal choice is precluded - which is the final goal of the dark healthist ideology, which intends to kill pleasure in the name of long life. And that, in itself, is not healthy at all.


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